You can't conduct an orchestra with an invisible hand: The problem with carbon taxes
by Gar Lipow
Jason D Scorse agrees with the Reason article arguing that the way to phase out fossil fuels is to tax them -- to make their price reflect some or all of their social costs (referred to by economists as "Pigovian" tax). Fossil fuels will become more expensive, low-carbon technology will become competitive, and everybody will do the "happy happy joy joy" dance. Unfortunately, a strategy based mainly on price increases will work ineffectively, if at all -- a position for which we have both historical evidence and good theoretical grounding. (This is not to say that Pigovian taxes have no place, but as a supplementary measure, not a primary one.) Historically, large-scale infrastructure changes take place only via hands-on government involvement -- involvement that not only subsidizes technology but helps shape its deployment. This can consist of public works, or grants of land and rights of way that help shape where infrastructure is placed. You can find examples in List 1 at the bottom of this post, ranging from canals and railroads to the internet. J.S. cites Synfuels and the original Apollo project as counter-examples. I note that both these involved "picking winners," not deploying mature technologies. List 2 at the bottom of this post offers examples of mature technologies we could subsidize and deploy through a combination of public works, subsidies, and regulations, ranging from railways to insulation to solar water heaters. What's wrong with price signals as the primary mechanism to induce change? In economic terms, certain kinds of energy infrastructure tend to have low long-term elasticities (PDF). In English, that means large price increases result in small reductions in energy use. For example, price increases that produced (among other things) much greater levels of insulation would cost consumers more than a simple public works program that raised taxes and used the revenue to pay for insulation upgrades (among other things). That, basically, is the meaning of inelasticity -- that prices must rise a great deal more than the cost of the behavior we are trying to change. There have been a great many elasticity studies, which come to widely varying conclusions. But those that show low elasticities conflate source substitution (e.g., natural gas for coal) with capital substitution (e.g., insulation for natural gas). The study linked above is one of the few to separate the two kinds of elasticity. Fossil fuels have inelasticities of ~20%, when substitutes considered include other fossil fuels or biofuels. When one takes into consideration uncertainty and the capital and transaction costs of switching, that really is extremely low. The main market failure there really is social costs, for which price increases are a reasonable remedy. But efficiency measures substitute capital costs for operations. You are making long term investments to reduce an operating loss. And there, you have an inelasticity of around 60%. That means doubling the price of energy only reduces use by around 40%. This a huge problem if you want to reduce carbon at the lowest price. As has been extensively documented by the Rocky Mountain Institute, and touched on by me in a previous post, efficiency is essential if you don't want to greatly increase the percentage of the GDP energy consumes. Relying primarily on price signals will bias any change toward sources over efficiency, and toward biofuels over more capital-intensive sources (like wind, which is cost competitive with natural gas and "clean" coal up to a limit we are not anywhere near). Again, this doesn't mean we don't need carbon prices in addition to regulations and public works. But it means carbon pricing needs to be supplementary rather than primary, and (I would argue) to begin a few years after major infrastructure work begins. Why the high inelasticity between capital and operating costs? The macro answer is that price signals tend to produce local and short-term optimizations. Optimizing individual components of a system in isolation tends, as Amory Lovins puts it, to "pessimize" the system as a whole. It is difficult to conduct an orchestra with an invisible hand. On the micro and smaller-scale macro levels this takes a number of documentable forms:
----- List 1: Historical infrastructure that required extensive U.S. government non-market involvement:
----- List 2: mature technologies that could be implemented with a combination of regulation, public works, and public subsidies:
Editorial NotesGar Lipow has started writing an interesting series of articles on energy at Gristmill. About himself, he writes: As a long time environmental activist and sometime journalist with a strong technical background I've spent years immersed in the subject of efficiency and renewable energy. He has a book proposal online: Cooling It! No Hair Shirt Solutions to Global Warming. Some other articles by Lipow (not as technical as this one): -BA Original article available here |
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