What about the poor?
by Dave Cohen
It would be nice if the poor were to get even half of the money that is spent in studying them. Today's front month oil contract stands at about $77/barrel. Such prices have not dampened demand in China, where demand growth is running at 11%, or in the United States, where finished motor gasoline consumption reached 9.71 million barrels per day in the week ending July 13, 2007. The volatile but rising oil price since 1999 is the primary signal of a growing supply and demand imbalance in a market with little spare capacity. This indication of scarcity now only inconveniences the wealthy, whose past income growth still allows mostly pain-free purchases. But what about the poor? A note on a forthcoming ESMAP study, How are Developing Countries Coping with Higher Oil Prices?, describes "policy alternatives adopted by developing countries in response to the increases in world oil prices since the end of 2003." Before looking at the results, let's look at some emerging stories in the developing world to get a feel for what's going on.
The sporadic, almost anecdotal, nature of such stories in the press hides the systematic reduction of oil consumption in the developing world. The poorer countries get priced out of the market, or can not obtain the fuels they require when supplies are tight. The western press rarely covers the issue. Stories that address the problem surface, and are then forgotten. (See Toiling in the Dark: Africa's Power Crisis, New York Times, July 29, 2007.) Web searches often turn up reports from 2005, when oil prices first hit $70/barrel. Press accounts from the developing world are hard to find. These stories tend to report on local events, and assume some knowledge of local conditions. Some commentators in peak oil circles have labeled these events with the unorthodox (for economists) term "demand destruction", but the phenomenon is poorly documented.. The problem created by high oil prices is widespread, as Africa's Energy Crisis Worsens: Viable Clean Energy Alternatives Are Imperative (Center for American Progress, July 17, 2007) makes clear. With world crude oil prices nearing $75 a barrel, economies across Africa are grinding to a halt under the burden of soaring energy costs. The spike in world oil prices this summer will exacerbate economic problems, pounding already fragile national budgets and offsetting hard-fought gains from poverty reduction programs, international development aid, and debt relief efforts.
Of the 38 countries surveyed, 26 have suffered shortages or have resorted to rationing oil products or electricity. Developing countries are very reluctant to pass higher fuel costs on to consumers. This is a very unpopular thing to do in fragile economies where many people are just scrapping by and government budgets are tight. Net oil exporters usually try to absorb most of the price increases, but sometimes can not—see Gasoline Subsidies and Iran. (Iran is not part of ESMAP study.) Countries without oil or net importers pass some of the increased costs on, but, like Senegal, provide a cushion for consumers through subsidies. Price hikes often result in civil unrest, which happened in Indonesia in 2005. Examples abound—protests also followed a price hike in India in 2006. To protect their citizens from higher prices, 23 developing nations have reduced fuel taxes and 20 have financed fuel subsidies from government budgets. ESMAP notes that tax breaks are especially common among the oil exporters, whose citizens can not understand why they sell oil to others but must also pay higher prices at the pump. More than half of the countries that had market pricing have now suspended it—12 nations never did have it. Various kinds of subsidies may temporarily shield consumers from real fuel costs, and leaders from being deposed, but they also take away from fiscal programs meant to provide essential social services and aid the poor. (See the Center For American Progress article on Africa, link above.) It is sad to say, but in a world that is likely to see ever-rising oil prices, a government-funded respite from high domestic liquid fuel costs does not come with a longer term exit strategy. Such price-based policies merely postpone an inevitable crisis in which oil may eventually become altogether unaffordable in much of the developing world. The lasting effects for governments and civil societies of continued subsidies will likely be worse than the oil price shocks they are meant to remedy. It thus makes sense that the prevailing strategy to cope with high oil prices is fuel switching. Only 12 of the countries surveyed by ESMAP have mandated or announced conservation measures or incentives to encourage efficiency, but 28 countries have "implemented or actively promoted switching to alternative sources of energy to reduce dependence on oil." Biofuels from high-yield tropical plants appear to be a perfect fit for net oil importers or non-producers. But appearances can be deceiving. The Center for American Progress believes that the future for alternative energy is bright in tropical Africa. There is a great potential for generating electricity from wind and solar. It is hard to argue the point. The future of hydroelectric is more uncertain. In Uganda, regional droughts have cut power generation sharply. With aid from the ever-helpful World Bank, the East African country filled the breach with two diesel-fired generators! In the long run, there is no excuse for importing oil or diesel to generate electricity where renewable alternatives might be available. If peak demands can't always be met, it's still certainly better than the alternative—permanent shortages. The Center's optimism extends to biofuels. Author Rebecca Schultz tells us: Biofuel is another sector where the continent could rival major global producers and play a central role in meeting the soaring demand for ethanol in Europe, United States, and China. Africa’s arable lands are well-suited to a range of energy crops, especially in the tropical climate zones around the equator that enjoy optimal rains and a long growing season. Conventional feedstock crops like sugarcane, maize, and soy, as well as new oilseed crops, are already being grown and converted into biofuels.
The problem with large-scale biofuels production is the food versus fuel issue. Higher demand for agricultural commodities creates spiraling food costs. Consider palm oil, a biodiesel fuel crop grown primarily in Malaysia and Indonesia. More palm oil is consumed world-wide than any other vegetable oil used in cooking. This is only one of its many uses (e.g. soap, make-up). At the end of January, 2007, the crude palm oil (CPO) price on the Malaysian Derivatives Exchange (MDEX) stood at 1899 MYR/ton, where MRY abbreviates Malaysian Ringgit. This was ≅ $543/ton. On July 25th, the price was 2521 ringgit ($736 at today's conversion rate) a ton (Bloomberg, July, 25). The graph (below left, from LONSUM ) shows the two year price trend. Soybean oil, also used for biodiesel, has shown a similar price rise.
In the May/June 2007 issue of Foreign Affairs, C. Ford Runge and Benjamin Senauer argue that a large-scale biofuels industry will harm developing nations, not help them (How Biofuels Could Starve the Poor). The authors flatly state that "if oil prices remain high -- which is likely -- the people most vulnerable to the price hikes brought on by the biofuel boom will be those in countries that both suffer food deficits and import petroleum." Just as with palm oil, the article argues that food prices will soar as crops are grown for the biofuels market. One of their examples is casava, which is an excellent ethanol source due to its high-starch content. In the poorest parts of sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, and Latin America, where cassava is a staple, its price is expected to increase by 33 percent by 2010 and 135 percent by 2020... If the developing world turns to biofuels to replace oil, it seems like a case of "damned if you do, damned if you don't." A large-scale "Green OPEC" biofuels industry may never work out for Africa's developing countries, but more power to him if Senegal's president Wade can make it work. Much smaller scale biofuel production that minimizes competition with food remains a hopeful possibility as a substitute for oil. There are also promising crops like jatropha, which "thrives in arid areas and can be grown on desert and marginal lands without taking land out of cultivation for food production and without requiring expensive inputs like fertilizers and water" (Center for American Progress). A cynic might say that the poor have always suffered at the hands of the rich, and there's no reason to believe that will stop now. The predicament in the developing world brought about by the oil price shocks ultimately results from overwhelming, wasteful demand for oil in places like the United States, and increasingly, China. Peak oil is an issue for most developing countries only insofar as they are suffering even more now than they already were. This is one of the many reasons why there's no ASPO-Uganda. It's becoming long past peak for the poor, so let's hope they can reorganize their local economies to replace something most of them never had much of to begin with—oil & gas products. Editorial NotesAn important story that gets very little play in the mainstream press and the peak oil blogosphere. -BA Original article available here |
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Democratically-elected Senegalese president Abdoulaye Wade (pictured left) has announced the formation of a 





