Latin America - May 24
by Staff
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In the reform proposal, Calderon and his National Action Party (PAN) took care to avoid calling for modifying the Mexican Constitution. National ownership of petroleum is a touchstone of nationalist pride in Mexico since President Lazaro Cardenas expropriated private companies on March 18, 1938. At that time, citizens fed up with the arrogance and voracity of foreign oil companies supported the expropriation by donating everything from live chickens to family jewels to pay compensation and regain control of the resource. The Mexican Constitution is very clear about who owns Mexican oil: "The nation has direct dominion over all national resources of the continental platform ... (including) petroleum and all solid, liquid, or gaseous hydrocarbons ..." The president announced the "energy reform initiative" as an administrative packet to save Pemex from a deep financial and operational crisis. To these neoliberal administrators, the only way out of this crisis is to turn to the private sector. According to the Calderon government, Mexican citizens and politicians must now acknowledge that Mexican administrators are incapable of rising to the lucrative challenge at hand, Mexican scientists can't provide the needed technology, and Mexican consumers prefer public services in foreign hands. That line will be a hard sell, given the history of the oil industry in Mexico and current trends in Latin America.
As I have noted on the other threads, it appears that all three of our closest sources of exported oil--Canada (slight decline), Venezuela and Mexico--showed net export declines in 2007.
Today, similar warnings have become common, but what is shocking about this case is the fact that they come more than 30 years after the book The Limits to Growth. This study, published in 1972 by Donella Meadows and colleagues at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, questioned whether environmental limits render continuous economic growth possible.1 Immediately, controversy arose on all sides. Conservative groups and businesses rejected the existence of the effect of ecological limits on exponential economic growth, and they also minimized the reduction of natural resources and the importance of environmental impact. But many left-wing groups during that period also questioned the study, seeing it as a bourgeois imposition or a neo-Malthusian demand that would impede the development of third world countries. Today the food crisis and the question of peak oil once again expose those warnings on environmental limits and confront conventional defensive strategies for continuous economic growth. Eduardo Gudynas (egudynas(a)adinet.com.uy) is an analyst with CLAES D3E, a sustainable development research and promotion center (www.integracionsur.com) and collaborates with the Americas Policy Program (www.americaspolicy.org). Translated from: El regreso al futuro: Los limites del crecimiento económico en América Latina Translated by: Charlotte Elmitt |
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